• Many Americans' health insurance costs could go up next year.
• Expanded Affordable Care Act subsidies reduced premiums by 44% for many Americans, but are now expiring.
• Without subsidies, premiums could rise by 75% for middle-class Americans.

Middle-class Americans have a new cost to worry about next year: pricier health insurance premiums.

A Biden-era policy expanding eligibility for Affordable Care Act subsidies is set to expire at the end of this year, and there doesn't seem to be much legislative appetite to extend it.

Without those subsidies, out-of-pocket premium costs are set to go up by an average of 75% — imposing another financial burden on Americans and potentially leading to some opting out of coverage altogether.

For some Americans, that could mean a $1,000 or more a year increase in health insurance.

An analysis from the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities found that the enhanced ACA subsidies reduced net premium costs by 44% in 2024, with 93% of those enrolled in the marketplace receiving some form of premium tax credits. In 2024, around 19.3 million Americans enrolled in the marketplace received premium tax credits — the subsidy beefed up by both the American Rescue Plan and the Inflation Reduction Act. How much enrollees received depended on their income and the initial costs of their local plans.

Miranda Yaver, an assistant professor of health policy and management at the University of Pittsburgh and a healthcare fellow at the left-leaning Roosevelt Institute, said that the enhanced subsidies were a "game changer" for Americans who earn too much to qualify for Medicaid, but still may struggle to make ends meet. Business Insider has reported on these workers, known as ALICE or asset-limited, income-constrained, employed. They make too much to qualify for robust assistance, but still struggle to pay their bills.

"If you're piecing together some better-than-minimum-wage jobs, but still hourly jobs, this means that health insurance becomes much more accessible, and that means that you can get the care you need and not have to fear as much about getting sick," Yaver said.

Subsidies expanded who was eligible for ACA health insurance

Some GOP legislators have argued that the policy expanded ACA eligibility too much and offered relief to higher earners while remaining costly to the country. A CBO projection found that making the policy permanent would increase the deficit by $335 billion over the next decade and reduce revenues by $60 billion.

"It is particularly concerning that, by removing the income eligibility limit, some of our nation's highest earners are now eligible for government assistance," Reps. Jason Smith and Jodey Arrington, who respectively chair the House Ways and Means Committee and House Budget Committee, wrote in a 2024 letter. "In certain areas of the country, a family making as much as $599,000 in 2023 could qualify for taxpayer-funded subsidies."

Before the subsidies, only Americans earning between 100% and 400% of the federal poverty line qualified, or between $15,650 and $62,600 based on the current cutoff for a single American.

That 400% limit was expanded under the new structure, meaning that some Americans with ACA coverage were newly eligible to have some premium relief, especially older beneficiaries. Those who made above the 400% line, but were spending over 8.5% of their household income on premiums, became eligible for subsidies.

Christen Young, a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution's Center on Health Policy, said that those newly eligible Americans saw savings of around $10,000 to $15,000 a year on their premiums.

"Those are the people who are facing particularly large increases in premiums when these enhancements expire," Young said.

A 2024 KFF analysis found, for instance, that Americans making $40,000, or 266% of the federal poverty line, could see their annual premiums increase by $1,247 annually.

"If you take a single parent of one child earning $50,000 a year, that family is saving about $1,700 because of the enhanced premiums. They're going to see their premium increase by about 80% next year when the subsidy enhancements go away," Young said. "A family of four with a household income of $130,000, they're saving $8,000 a year with these enhancements, and they'll see their yearly premium increase by about 60 to 70% next year."

When health insurance costs go up, healthy young people tend to drop coverage

With the expiration looming at the end of the year and premiums expected to rise, many younger and healthier Americans may decide to opt out of coverage. This could, in turn, raise costs even more for those who remain on ACA plans.

Without that younger and healthier group, it becomes more expensive to insure the remaining Americans, and costs go up across the board.

"It's insurance companies correcting for the fact that the people who are going to be enrolled in their plans will probably not be as healthy," Yaver said.

A projection from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office found that should the measures lapse, 4.2 million more Americans would be uninsured by 2034.

"One of the things that is really critical to health insurance is being able to essentially spread the risk of insuring people so that we can essentially bring younger and healthier people into the insured population," Yaver said.

There is a possibility that Congress could step in and extend the subsidies, although that looks unlikely, as it would have to have bipartisan approval. The potential end of the subsidies also comes as Americans face a mixed economy: The labor market is seeing shifts, but still chugging along. Inflation is creeping higher, and consumer sentiment is looking dreary — albeit not as low as it has been.

"The average American would have a very difficult time accommodating an unexpected $1,000 expense. That could be a medical, dental expense, home repair, car repair, you name it," Yaver said. "It's very easy to end up spending a thousand dollars in the American healthcare system."

Do you have a story to share about health insurance premiums? Contact this reporter at [email protected].

When Elon Musk and the Department of Government Efficiency took a chainsaw to the federal workforce this winter, the dust felt like it might never settle.

The administration said the initiative was designed to "streamline the Federal Government, eliminate unnecessary programs, and reduce bureaucratic inefficiency." Chaotic rollouts, weekend emails, contentious court battles, tech wunderkinds let loose, and muddled directives came to define the early months of the Trump administration's cost-cutting effort. Nobody knew what the next week might bring.

Now, as the initiative's six-month mark approaches — and a Supreme Court ruling allowed the stalled firings to proceed — many former federal workers have had time to reflect on what it all meant.

"It's always going to be part of who I am, regardless of what my jobs entail in the future," former National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration employee Tom Di Liberto told Business Insider. "I'll always be known as that, as part of that group of people."

In a series of conversations with BI, six former government employees spoke about their career shifts, their advice to other workers, and what life is like outside the government.

Egan Reich, 45, Department of Labor

Reich joined the Department of Labor in 2010. He worked in a variety of roles, including director of media and editorial services.

During Trump's first term, Reich said, federal workers were largely left alone to do their jobs. When the president's second term came around, the energy across federal agencies was noticeably different: Reich said that press inquiries revolved around DOGE, HR, or IT, rather than grants, policy, or enforcement.

"For a couple months, as appointees trickled in and DOGE started to make itself known, it became a very strange, paranoid, alienating experience," Reich said. "It became clear they really wanted people gone."

He accepted the agency's second deferred resignation offer in April, which allowed employees to resign while receiving pay through the fall. "There was just no way I was going to make it through four years of this," he said.

Reich is now on the job hunt, finishing up a TV pilot with his brother, and spending more time with his daughter. He's casting a wide net when it comes to communications roles, and has applied for around 25 jobs, he said. He tries hard to ensure he's not falling into self-pity.

"I'm glad that I'm not there, but I'm anxious, right? I'm just knowing I need to pay the mortgage and find a job, and hopefully it will be one where I can still spend time with my daughter."

His day-to-day hasn't changed much: He wakes up and goes to bed at the same time, and school drop-off and pick-up remain the same. His disorientation stems from something a bit more existential.

"It's been a lot more of a change in my mind and ways of looking at the world than lifestyle. Something has definitely broken. It's a lot bigger than my job," he said.

Kira Carrigan, 36, Office of Personnel Management

Carrigan started at OPM in December 2024. She had a remote job as an HR specialist.

Carrigan has been unable to search for a new role because she's moving across the country for her husband's military job. Federal jobs are especially important for military spouses, since they typically offer more scheduling and work-from-home flexibility than the private sector.

She started working at OPM on December 16, and was fired less than two months later on a mass video call.

"I miss my job and the remote work ability to allow me continued employment through my military spouse relocation," Carrigan said.

Carrigan said she refused deferred resignation both times it was offered, and she's pursuing an appeal to the Merit Systems Protection Board in a last-ditch attempt to regain her federal employment.

"I do want to return, but I would have significant moral issues serving under this administration," she said. Barring a return to the federal government, she said, "I'm hoping to find something in my local city government or school district."

Rachel Brittin, 47, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration

Brittin started at NOAA in 2023. She coordinated with the agency's private and public sector stakeholders.

Brittin was first fired from NOAA on February 27, reinstated, and fired again on April 10.

"Losing my job at NOAA was more than a career setback — it was emotionally exhausting and deeply disorienting," Brittin said. "I poured myself into the mission, only to be abruptly cut out."

Getting fired as a probationary employee was a challenge; Brittin said she didn't have any chance to defend her record.

Brittin said she's applied to dozens of jobs, including in the private sector, and hopes to stay in communications at a mission-driven organization, but it's been hard to land anything with so many "highly qualified candidates" on the market.

Ideally, she'd stay at a science-based organization, but is open to other opportunities. Brittin sees her job in the federal workforce as an "asset," in part because she mastered in-demand skills: "Navigating complexity, staying mission-focused, working under pressure, adapting to change."

For now, she's "hanging on" financially, and her husband has a secure job that's keeping them afloat. She's tried to stay busy by taking online courses, volunteering to help friends and startups, and networking.

"Knowing others in the same boat as me has helped me feel not so alone," she said.

Tom Di Liberto, 40, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration

Di Liberto started at NOAA in 2023. He worked in public affairs and was a climate spokesperson.

After being fired as a probationary employee in February, Di Liberto said he was lucky to find work as a media director at a nonprofit climate organization. But getting there wasn't easy, and he knows many others are still grinding through the job hunt.

He said former federal workers should remember being fired doesn't reflect their worth and they shouldn't be afraid to discuss the reductions in force with potential employers.

"It was also a bit weird during the interview process when asked to describe yourself and why you want this job. I did not have plans of getting a new job," he said. He said he made sure to emphasize his primary mission is addressing climate change.

His job search began in February, and he started his new job in early June. He spent frugally and leaned on his wife's income to support their family. During those months, he cooked more and cut back on takeout; he also prioritized his mental health with walks and Legos.

The private sector has been an adjustment, he said. It's been odd, for example, to work with fewer people and be able to upgrade software quickly instead of over a few months. Di Liberto also estimated that the NGO jobs he was looking at paid between 20% and 40% less than his role at NOAA.

He's reminded of his past life living in DC, where he encounters others who were also let go from government jobs. Di Liberto's first grader recently brought up his father's job loss in school, where it led to a class-wide conversation, he said.

Jonathan Kamens, 55, US Digital Service

Kamens started at USDS in 2023. He was a software engineer and was detailed to a cybersecurity role at the Department of Veterans Affairs.

Kamens was fired from the US Digital Service — now the US DOGE Service — in February, and he landed a new job in March working remotely for a private-sector company based in Australia. He said that he's fortunate to be getting a paycheck, but the slashing of the federal workforce continues to weigh him down.

"In micro, I have a job, I'm getting paid to work, I can support my family. But in macro, the whole world is burning," Kamens said. He added that it's difficult to live his normal life "and continue to work in a system that in many ways is disintegrating around you."

He said that he's "minimally engaged" with other colleagues who left the federal workforce because it was taking a toll on his mental health. He said public servants who are still employed with the federal government face challenges under the continued influence of DOGE.

"There is a really strong normalcy bias happening," Kamens said. "In order for them to continue to function, they have to believe that this is just another administration and it will be fine after the midterms or 2028."

Nagela Nukuna, 30, US Digital Service

Nukuna started at USDS in 2022. She advised on and implemented domestic policy, working across agencies on funding, innovation, and automation projects.

Nukuna never saw herself working for a nonprofit. But that's where she landed after she was fired from the USDS on February 14.

"I ran through most of my savings to weather that time," Nukuna said. "Luckily I was able to get a job but I did have some financial hardship and strain over that time, especially because it was just unexpected."

Her government job paid a lot less than private sector positions she'd held before, so she was in the red since taking her job at USDS. Her spending didn't drastically change after getting fired, since it was already carefully calculated.

Nukuna began to look for jobs outside the government after the election. Some of her work at USDS was related to immigration, and she thought she might be impacted by future job cuts. She said she applied to 85 jobs, mainly in the tech and AI spaces, and "got a bajillion rejections" before landing her current role at an education nonprofit a month after her firing.

Generally, Nukuna tried to use her past government work to her advantage during the job search, and said some interviewers asked if she could work with people she disagreed with politically.

"Luckily, because I started earlier, I had some leads already and people that I've been talking to, and I just went on high drive once I got fired," she said. "There was a period where I was doing like five interviews a week and all day exercises."

She said she does mental health check-ins with friends who are still working for the federal government. Nukuna said she likely would have left her USDS role voluntarily due to the mental toll it was taking on her.

Although she had previously worked in the private sector, she chose the nonprofit route this time because she was "really drawn to the mission" and the people.

• Education and healthcare roles drove unexpected job growth in June.
• But employment in state and local government education and healthcare masked weakness in other sectors.
• White-collar job seekers face challenges as professional services shed roles from May to June.

Sharpen your pencils and shine your stethoscopes: If you're looking for the drivers of the resilient labor market, they might be behind a desk at your local school or staffing your local hospital.

They were largely responsible for a June jobs report that came in hotter than expected, with the country adding 147,000 jobs — far outpacing the consensus forecast of 111,000 — and unemployment unexpectedly ticking down.

Payroll additions in state and local government education, as well as private healthcare and social services, masked weakness elsewhere. Those sectors alone added about 122,000 jobs in June. White-collar job seekers are facing a struggle, as roles feel increasingly scarce and hundreds of applications lead to dead ends.

"If you're not a teacher, if you're not a nurse, and you're not a doctor, you're not seeing those opportunities," Cory Stahle, an economist at the Indeed Hiring Lab, said. An industry breakdown of payrolls shows that professional and business services, a white-collar sector, shed roles from May to June.

The gains in education and healthcare might be in part because schools were more hesitant to let folks go this summer, perhaps due to ongoing teacher labor shortages.

"Probably what's going on here is that there were smaller-than-expected summer layoffs in the education sector, which could be about teachers or it could also be about support staff, like school bus drivers or custodial staff," Daniel Zhao, lead economist at Glassdoor, said.

If that is the case, Zhao said, "we might get an equivalently sized drop in the fall when schools reopen due to a smaller-than-expected hiring." He added that the new data is likely a seasonal quirk, rather than a sustainable increase in roles.

The private sector, which encompasses roles outside government employment, added 74,000 jobs in June, missing the expected 105,000. Within that, employment in the healthcare and social assistance sector increased by 58,600.

Stahle said that with healthcare, social assistance, and state and local government making up much of the job growth in June, "that's not necessarily reflective of a robust labor market that's benefiting everybody."

For workers who already have the qualifications for teaching and healthcare, which often require degrees or specialized training, June's numbers may be a good sign. But for everyone else, the job market is still looking murky.

"If you're already in the labor market, you're in pretty good shape," Stahle said. "But if you're out of it and you're looking for work, things are going to feel a lot different right now."

Are you a white-collar professional looking for work, or are you trying to get into education or healthcare? Contact these reporters to share your story at [email protected] and [email protected].

• Republicans are trying to pass Trump's "One Big Beautiful Bill" in the coming weeks.
• It includes new tax cuts, changes to Medicaid, saving accounts for kids, and other provisions.
• Here's what you should know about the centerpiece of Trump's legislative agenda.

For months, President Donald Trump has pursued his sweeping agenda through executive actions. Now comes the hard part.

Republicans on Capitol Hill are finally putting pen to paper on what Trump has called the "One Big Beautiful Bill," a sweeping fiscal package that will serve as the centerpiece of the president's legislative agenda.

The bill includes GOP priorities like no taxes on tips or overtime, cuts to Medicaid, "MAGA accounts" for children and several other provisions.

It will take weeks for lawmakers in the House and Senate to work out the final details, and it's likely that some changes will be made along the way. Republicans hope to send the bill to Trump's desk by July 4.

Here's what you should know about what's in the "One Big Beautiful Bill."

The bill includes cuts to Medicaid, and millions could lose health coverage

As part of the plan approved by the House Energy and Commerce Committee, states would implement work requirements in 2029 for childless adults on Medicaid who do not have a disability, mandating they work for 80 hours a month.

A component of the plan would increase the price of doctors' visits, mandating beneficiaries making above the federal poverty limit to pay co-payments of up to $35. States would also be required to stop taxing hospitals and nursing homes in order to secure more federal funding.

Medicaid recipients in some states would have more paperwork to regularly confirm their residency status and income. And the plan would lower federal funding for some recipients in states that fund medical coverage for undocumented immigrants.

The Congress Budget Office estimated the legislation would save about $912 billion over the next decade in federal spending, about $715 billion of which would derive from Medicaid and Affordable Care Act cuts. The CBO said about 8.6 million people could lose their insurance coverage.

The plan came short of expectations among some ultraconservatives who wanted more Medicaid cuts at the federal level. Some GOP leaders wanted per-capita caps for those in Medicaid expansion states and a lower across-the-board rate at which the federal government supplements each state's funding for Medicaid programs.

Democrats have strongly opposed the bill, emphasizing that millions of Americans will potentially have their lives uprooted by Medicaid cuts.

No tax on tips or overtime, making Trump's 2017 tax cuts permanent, and more

Some of Trump's flashiest campaign promises were to remove taxes on tips, overtime, and Social Security. This bill largely gets those done, but only for the next four years — lawmakers will have to decide whether to renew the cuts in 2029.

The bill would allow workers in an "occupation that traditionally and customarily receives tips" to claim a tax deduction for the sum of all tips that they received in the previous year. It would also do the same for overtime wages. Neither deduction is available to anyone who is a "highly compensated employee."

To help accomplish Trump's "no taxes on Social Security" pledge, Republicans created a new $4,000 tax deduction for seniors making less than $75,000 per year. There's also a provision in the bill to fulfill Trump's promise of no taxes on car loan interest.

There's also an extension of the child tax credit, which is currently $2,000 but was set to decrease to $1,000 after this year. The bill would increase the credit to $2,500 through 2028, then it would drop to $2,000 permanently after that.

If you're thinking of buying an electric vehicle, you might want to do so before the end of the year. The bill would eliminate existing tax credits for new and used EVs, and it would impose an annual registration fee of $250 for EV owners.

The bill also makes permanent a slew of tax cuts that Trump and Republicans enacted in 2017. The average American won't feel much of a difference, since they've probably gotten used to the existing tax rates and brackets that have existed since 2018. But it's the most consequential part of the bill from a budgetary perspective, adding trillions to the deficit over the next several years.

MAGA savings accounts

The bill establishes "Money account for growth and advancement" accounts, or MAGA accounts, for children. The idea was originally proposed by Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas.

The federal government would pay $1,000 to babies born from 2024 through 2028. After the cutoff, parents will still be able to put $5,000 per year into each account.

Cruz's proposal is similar to previous Democratic-led efforts for "baby bonds," but the biggest difference is that there is no income cutoff. Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey, a Democrat, envisioned a program primarily targeted at low-income families.

A repeal of Biden's student loan forgiveness plans

If enacted, the reconciliation bill would mean major changes for student-loan borrowers. The legislation proposes terminating all existing income-driven student-loan repayment plans, including Biden's SAVE income-driven repayment plan, which would have shortened the timeline for debt relief and provided cheaper monthly payments. While SAVE is currently paused due to litigation, Trump and Republican lawmakers have said they would not carry out the plan if it survives in court.

Under the bill, borrowers would have two repayment plan options: one, called the Repayment Assistance Plan, would allow for loan forgiveness after 360 qualifying payments, and the other option would be a standard repayment plan with a fixed monthly payment over a fixed time period set by the servicer.

Payments made under the Repayment Assistance Plan would be calculated based on the borrower's income and would count toward Public Service Loan Forgiveness.

A 10-year ban on state-level AI laws

House lawmakers handed a major win to Big Techby including a 10-year federal preemption on all state artificial intelligence laws in the larger bill. Congress has talked about a federal AI policy, but no serious legislative proposals have emerged.

In the meantime, states have tried to fill to void. Major tech companies have long fought state-level AI regulations. Last year, California lawmakers passed the nation's most sweeping AI legislation only for Gov. Gavin Newsom to veto it.

Meta, OpenAI, and Anthropic lobbied against California's bill. Meta recently wrote to the White House that state laws "could impede innovation and investment."

The issue isn't going away. In the 2024 legislative session, lawmakers in at least 45 states introduced AI-related bills, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.

Unlike most of the other provisions on this list, the AI regulation ban faces major hurdles to making it into law. Republicans must adhere to strict parliamentary rules to pass Trump's bill without facing a Democratic filibuster in the Senate. One rule is that all provisions must be primarily fiscal in nature, and many expect that the AI provision will fail that test.

A debt ceiling hike, the end of IRS Direct file, money for a border wall, and more

Avoiding default: Republicans would raise the debt limit by $4 trillion, staving off a potential default that could come later this summer. One way or another, Congress will have to address the debt issue soon. The federal government is expected to exhaust its borrowing ability sometime in August.

Billions for missile defense: Trump wants the US to have a futuristic missile defense system inspired by Israel's vaunted "Iron Dome" air defenses, but the US shield would include space-based components and focus on longer-range missile threats rather than the smaller weapons Israel faces. House Republicans have allocated roughly $25 billion for overall missile defense, most of which will go to the "Golden Dome" project.

700 more miles of Trump's border wall: Republicans proposed spending roughly $47 billion on border barriers, which will cover 701 miles of "primary wall," 900 miles of river barriers, and 629 miles of secondary barriers. Trump repeatedly fought in his first term to build a massive border wall between the US and Mexico but struggled to get funding through Congress.

A big tax increase on large university endowments: Republicans would significantly increase Trump's 2017 groundbreaking tax on colleges and universities with large endowments. Under the bill, the tax rate would be tied to the size of their endowment, adjusted by student enrollment.At the low end, the rate would remain at 1.4%. At the highest level, universities would pay 21% tax if they have an endowment of $2 million or more per student.

IRS direct file: The big beautiful bill would officially kill off the IRS's Direct File program, a Biden-era initiative that has long been a subject of Republican ire. In April, a Treasury Department official told BI that it was a failed and disappointing program. The new legislation would instead allocate funding towards studying a public-private partnership to provide free filing for a majority of taxpayers.

• Gen Z's intrigue with the papal conclave surged because they'd had a juicy primer in the film "Conclave."
• The movie offered a fictional glimpse into the secretive papal selection process.
• "Conclave" became a box-office hit, resonating with Gen Z's love for drama and exclusivity.

I have a confession.

I saw "Conclave," the movie, five times in the theater.

It's shocking, I know, in an era when movie theater attendance has been tanking, but it meant I was well-prepared for this week's real-life event and the inner machinations of the cardinals who ultimately selected Robert Francis Prevost to be the next pope.

It also meant I understood all the Gen Z hype around it.

First, there's "Pope Crave," a play on the popular "Pop Crave" X account, which has transitioned from sharing "Conclave" film memes to reporting live from the event itself.

Then there were TikTok edits and betting pools. Even NBC's Steve Kornacki, another unlikely Gen Z icon, jumped in, breaking down the conclave à la his popular election coverage — signature khakis and all.

So why the huge surge in interest in the real conclave — and the film?

Gen Z loves access, exclusivity, and drama

In an age when social media and direct virtual access have come to dominate politics, the movie gave Gen Zers a fictional glimpse at what might happen behind closed doors — an inroad into a ritual that, by design, is shrouded in secrecy and pomp. When the real event rolled around, anyone who had seen the film could feel like they were already in on the secrets.

Some of the most affecting parts of the film are grounded in the humanity of its holy men: The throughline of Ralph Fiennes' Cardinal Lawrence, the dean of the "Conclave," is his growing detachment from his own faith. Factions snipe at each other, the purest of men are petty and short, and the desire for power and institutional stability is a blinding force for some. Those are certainly themes that are resonant for younger viewers who have often joked about constantly living in unprecedented times.

And those themes resonated with audiences: Conclave also emerged as a surprise box-office hit, a standout in a time when big superhero franchises and reboots are floundering. And, yes, it amassed its own barrage of TikTok edits — another Gen Z hallmark.

The film primed Gen Z for the actual event

It's like knowing Taylor Swift's catalog so well that you can spot the Easter Eggs in her newest music — you're naturally going to be a bigger fan, notice the inside details, and debate what it all means in the group chat.

The actual conclave meant that, unlike dramas such as "Succession" or "Game of Thrones," the movie crossed a little bit into reality; Gen Z came in with an acute, gossipy understanding of what might be happening behind closed doors and was ready to speculate. That offered the opportunity to edit, post, and bet away.

The film, and the actual event, also came at important times for Gen Zers. "Conclave" gained box office steam right around the 2024 election, suggesting an appetite for a contained story about a high-stakes and tumultuous election; the film's box office yields for the Friday and Saturday following the election both came in over $1 million. (I did not pay for five individual viewings. As a sober-curious, subscription-maximizing young person, I'm a member of AMC A-List, which allows me to see four movies a month for just under $30.)

The appointment of a new pope comes at a consequential life stage for many Gen Zers, even as the share of young Catholics in the US shrinks: Many in my age cohort are considering marriage or having their first children. A new pope might dictate how much, if at all, they choose to be involved in their religion or raise a child within it.

Now, ironically, we're in a world with a new pope tailored to the Gen Z age: Folks are already combing through his X account and finding his political takes. Welcome to the official Pope Crave era.

Do you have a story to share about the conclave (real) or "Conclave" the film? Contact this reporter at [email protected].